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Knud Langeland: Pioneer Editor
By Arlow W. Andersen (Volume XIV: Page 122)

Among the contributions of the Norwegian immigrant press of the nineteenth century was the hastening of the adjustment of Norwegian immigrants to American life. Once their immediate material needs were reasonably satisfied, the immigrants gave increasing attention to problems pertinent To public life in the United States. Upon this growing interest pioneer editors built, in part, their hopes of journalistic success. Among their number was Knud Langeland, editor successively of Nordlyset (1850), Democraten (1850-51), and the Chicago daily, Skandinaven (1866-72 and 1873-81). As a Lutheran layman he displayed unusual independence of thought, especially along social and political lines. His leadership was widely acknowledged by Norwegian, Swedish, and Danish immigrants of his day. The present discussion is concerned with Langeland's editorial views prior to 1872, chiefly in Skandinaven.

Only the scantiest of references to Langeland's youth are found in his brief autobiography, published in 1888, the year of his death. {1} Born in 1813 near Bergen, in the Hardanger district of Norway, he received the customary elementary education under the auspices of the Lutheran state church. Between 1834 and 1843 he was occupied with teaching school and serving as sexton. A summer vacation trip to England in 1855 broadened his perspective and made him the envy of family and friends back home. In 1843 he arrived in the United States. Three years later he settled on a farm in Racine County, Wisconsin.

In the fall of 1849 Langeland and his brother-in-law, O. J. Hatlestad, bought from Even Heg and James D. Reymert the printing press of the Free-Soil weekly, Nordlyset, first Norwegian newspaper in the United States. They then moved the press from the Village of Rochester, Wisconsin, to Racine and resumed publication there in the spring of 1850. {2} Langeland edited thc paper from March 9 to May 18. Shortly thereafter he renamed it Democraten, not with any intention of turning partisan, as he explained, but in order that the name might be more representative of the new editorial policy, now on a broader basis than the Free-Soil creed alone. Democratic papers of Wisconsin had poked fun at Nordlyset, charging it with leading Norwegians into impassable Free-Soil morasses. {3} There could be no serious thought of its turning Whig, since the Whig party was known to be conservative, as well as least accommodating in the matter of naturalization of immigrants. On the other hand, Jacksonian tradition with its glorification of the common man still motivated the Democratic party enough to attract immigrants to it. Democraten made its weekly visit from June 8, 1850, to October 29, 1851, when publication ceased for financial reasons. Its subscribers never numbered over 280. The paper had been published in Janesville after June, 1851. {4}

Democraten, like its predecessor Nordlyset, counted upon the support of faithful Norwegian Lutheran pioneers. Church news and religious discussion had their accustomed place. Langeland's initial editorial closed with the promise that "vice in all its forms we shall continue to wage war against, seeking no praise of men nor earthly reward." There were a few references to the "results of drunkenness" and to temperance, which in the case of the organized temperance movement meant total abstinence from intoxicating liquors. {5} But neither in Democraten nor in Skandinaven in the postwar period did Langeland recommend legislation as a solution to the liquor problem. To him temperance remained a moral, not a legal question. An absence of references to temperance by Langeland himself in the pages of Democraten and an almost complete silence on the subject later in Skandinaven suggest that for him it did not rank with the great public issues of the day. As far as it is possible to know, he himself practiced total abstinence, but his were not temperance papers. Possibly he believed that the temperance movement competed with the church for immigrant allegiance. Since a moral question was involved, it fell within the province of the church. His position is all the more unusual in view of the fact that he might easily have made political capital of the beer-drinking propensities of Irish and German Democrats who refused to join the Republicans with him after 1854.

The Free-Soil program of Nordlyset was paralleled in Democraten by an advocacy of federal sale of public lands at a low price, sufficient to remove the danger of monopoly by speculators. Land belonged to the people, not to the government, said Langeland, but care should be taken that only genuine settlers were benefited. He hoped that "land reform" would come within two or three years when, as he put it, the slavery question had perhaps been settled. {6} He favored a state land law currently under consideration in the Wisconsin legislature, a law which would prevent any farmer from owning more than 640 acres of land and any townsman from owning more than four city lots. This law, he trusted, would permanently prevent the "odious relationship of landlord and tenant," which was "nothing but another name for master and slave." {7}

In Democraten Langeland inaugurated a reform policy bordering on the secular and the political. A Fourth of July editorial of 1850, though written by neither himself nor Hatlestad, struck the keynote. {8} "Beams of light before sunrise" prompted the inquiry, "Cannot anyone say at the sight of them,' Now it will soon be day?'" Land reform, world peace, educational improvement, temperance, and anti-slavery activity "which ripens the cancer of the Union so that it must disappear of itself in one way or another" constituted the most visible beams, in the contributor's opinion. Beams most visible to Langeland were land reform, advancement of public education, and anti-slavery activity.

Prophetic of Norwegian anti-slavery agitation in the fifties were the frequent criticisms of slavery in Democraten. Langeland accused the South of extending slavery into the territories and predicted a dissolution of the Union unless preventive measures were taken against slavery extension. {9} Upon the death of President Taylor in July, 1850, he was concerned about the attitude of his successor, Millard Fillmore, on slavery. Said he, "The country has reason to expect of this Whig of the North that he will do his best to stop this worst of all national plagues." {10} Fillmore adopted the views of the congressional majority and witnessed with satisfaction the enactment of the Compromise of 1850 into law. Langeland pronounced the compromise a failure as a bond of union. In his opinion the contending elements were only further separated by it. {11}

For fifteen years, from 1851 to 1866, Langeland occupied no editorial chair. What he was doing in those years is not precisely known, but it is likely that during much of the time he watched the progress of events from his farm in Racine County. He saw the slavery issue revived by the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, repealing in effect the Missouri Compromise. He saw the Whigs give way to the new Republican party, definitely opposed to further extension of slavery. He observed American nativism at work in the Know-Nothing movement, directed mainly against immigrant Irishmen and Germans, who were more numerous, more ambitious politically, and more inclined to cling to foreign interests than were the Scandinavians. Nevertheless, the Scandinavians were frowned upon by many. Meanwhile, Republican concern for free land for genuine settlers, as well as the program of limited slavery extension, met with his hearty approval.

Political office drew Langeland temporarily from the farm during 1860 and 1861. In the fall of 1859 he was elected by Racine County voters to the Wisconsin state assembly. Carl Frederik Solberg, Norwegian editor of Emigranten, a weekly founded in 1852, regarded Langeland's nomination as "evidence that the Republicans now as before continue to take into public office the best and most competent men without regard to nationality." {12} But Langeland himself seems not to have been so confident of Republican appreciation of his qualities. While appealing in the same year for the election of a fellow Norwegian, Hans C. Heg, as state prison commissioner of Wisconsin, he wrote, "Countrymen, we have the Scandinavian name to take care of." {13} Heg was elected, thus becoming the first Scandinavian to hold a state office in the developing West. Langeland, as state assemblyman, served the Republican party faithfully yet with characteristic independence of judgment. He achieved at least one thing in behalf of his constituents in the town of Norway. Twenty-five hundred acres of neighboring swampland were sold to the Norwegian farmers at a low price and the receipts were applied toward drainage of the land. The swampland, no longer a source of malarial fever and other diseases, was transformed into rich hay and pasture land. {14}

During the Civil War Norwegian loyalty to the Union cause was amply demonstrated by the number of Norwegians who volunteered for military service. Approximately five thousand of them enlisted; only a few fought for the South. Langeland, already forty-eight years of age at the time of the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter, followed the course of the war at a distance. He learned of the exploits and heavy casualties of Colonel Hans C. Heg's Fifteenth Wisconsin Regiment, nearly one hundred per cent Norwegian. He grieved over the death of Heg, victim of an enemy rifle shot at Chickamauga in 1863. He had known Heg personally for seventeen years and anticipated for him a successful political future. Numerous other Norwegians also gave "the last full measure of devotion."

The war accomplished two things for the Norwegian immigrant folk. First, it proved their loyalty to the United States. Second, it drew them more definitely into the orbit of American public affairs, just as they had from the beginning been drawn into the economic life of the nation. During the course of the struggle the Homestead Act of 1862 solved the question of land sales and land distribution, while Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 legally abolished slavery. The assassination of Lincoln accentuated the problem of strong and judicious national leadership. His popularity with Norwegian settlers, excepting the minority under the influence of pro-slavery leaders of the Synod, had long been assured by his dramatic rise from humble circumstances and his genuinely democratic spirit, symbolized by his denunciation of proposed naturalization laws discriminating unduly against immigrants.

A number of considerations induced Langeland to found Skandinaven in 1866 with John Anderson, a young printer. Free-Soil agitation was then a thing of the past, but other issues remained alive or came to life. The slavery system was legally dead; nevertheless many were apprehensive of its restoration as a result of President Andrew Johnson's states' rights tendencies. Moreover, the Norwegian Synod persisted, much to Langeland's dismay, in its original assertion of 1861 to the effect that slavery was theologically sound. Reconstruction of the South demanded strong government in Washington. Therefore the Republican Congress under Johnson, who was distrusted in the North as a War Democrat, was believed to require support. Then there was a strong element of political ambition in Langeland, probably more for the Scandinavians than for himself personally. Irishmen and Germans secured political offices almost at will, especially in Chicago, and the political parties were little inclined to favor Scandinavian candidacies for other than local offices. There seemed to be a need for a more aggressive Norwegian-American journalism to supplement the efforts of Emigranten, ever cautious politically and always in the shadow of Lutheran clericalism, though edited since 1857 by Solberg, a layman. In fact, Langeland considered Solberg a rather weak exponent of Norwegian interests in America and, in addition, suspected him of opposition to the American common school. {15}

For a number of years the school question was debated in the immigrant press. {16} Langeland supported the common school and opposed the position of the Norwegian Synod, reaffirmed in the spring of 1866, to the effect that the church should supplant the common school in the education of Norwegian immigrant children. During the 1850's a number of new clergymen came to America. They were at once both more Lutheran and more Norwegian in their outlook. Falling under the spell of the orthodox leaders of the German Missouri Synod after 1857, they virtually crusaded against the common school. Langeland's position in Skandinaven remained consistent with views expressed years earlier in Democraten, when he made what was probably the first plea in behalf of the common school in a Norwegian-American newspaper. "There is only one remedy for ignorance, and that is the common school," he declared at that time. "Countrymen, fathers, mothers! Let me lay a serious word upon your hearts -- education (opdragelse)! Give your children a good education. Let them not grow up in ignorance.'' {17}

The recent decision of the Synod disappointed Langeland keenly. He made no objection to week-day instruction under church auspices provided it did not interfere with public education. He held that Lutherans should cherish the full religious liberty guaranteed by the federal constitution. They should not expect the American government to "adopt the Augsburg Confession as the state religion and prohibit all other denominations by law." He feared that Americans would associate Norwegians with Roman Catholics as folk for whom the word of the pastor was law. {18} In response to Langeland's editorial the Reverend A. C. Preus of the Synod wrote from Coon Prairie, Wisconsin, on September 12, stating that Langeland had exaggerated the position of the Synod. Langeland replied that Preus, more sympathetic toward the common school than were his colleagues, was deviating from the synodical stand. {19} Subsequently Langeland emphasized the common school's democratizing function, its indirect teaching of religious toleration, and its promotion of patriotism and love of freedom. {20}

By 1869 the question of attendance in common schools still called for cautious treatment in Norwegian immigrant circles. In January Langeland asserted that "the Scandinavian people in this country have hitherto hardly accorded the school question the attention which that matter deserves." {21} To the charge that American colleges were irreligious he emphatically replied that religion and scientific truth were not in conflict. {22} He made resentful reference to the German-Missouri strait jacket and hierarchical domination. {23} In the previous year, 1868, the Synod had declined any serious reconsideration of the subject, much to the embarrassment of Rasmus B. Anderson, who was a friend of Langeland. The result was the organization of the Scandinavian Lutheran Education Society in 1869 with Anderson, Langeland, and others offering temporary but significant opposition to the Synod. Among the rank and file of the Norwegian immigrant population there was much adverse criticism of the Synod. {24} Thus it came about that the staunchest defenders and the foremost opponents of the common school were found among the Norwegians. Knud Langeland consistently aligned himself with the defenders, conceding that specific common schools were inadequate but holding that in general the common school best performed the function of aiding immigrants in the transition to American life. This transition the synodical faction did not wish to consummate with any rapidity. {25}

In common with Norwegian immigrants everywhere Langeland turned hostile toward President Andrew Johnson, the War Democrat from Tennessee. When Johnson toured the country prior to the congressional elections of 1866, hoping to gain enough strength to defeat the Fourteenth Amendment, Langeland pointed to his recent dismissal of Republican officials. In his opinion, Johnson was encouraging the South to take up arms again to make an end of the Union. The reply, he predicted, would come in 1868. The President, he said, could not break the Republican party. {26} Disrespectful crowds en route convinced Langeland that Johnson's unpopularity was on the increase. Even the President's "Copperhead allies" considered him anathema because he had "misled them to leave their Democracy." {27} With greater desire for Johnson's defeat than for Grant's victory Langeland came out in favor of Grant and Colfax as early as October, 1867.

In the summer of 1867 Langeland began to urge Scandinavian unity at the polls. He pleaded the cause of a war veteran, Colonel A. Jakobsen, Republican candidate for clerk of the superior court in Chicago. He reminded his readers that "lack of unity among the Scandinavians, as well as the lack of active participation in political affairs, had brought it about that far from a proportionate share of the public offices has fallen to the lot of our countrymen. . . . Yes, if we are not mistaken, we hold the balance between the parties in our hands." {28} Three weeks later he deplored the fact that Germans and Irishmen held about half of the municipal offices while Scandinavians had "as good as none." {29}

Continuing his plea in behalf of Jakobsen, Langeland took occasion in October, 1867, to expand upon the unrecognized position of the Scandinavians in the Republican party. Said he: "The Scandinavian people in America joined the Republican party en masse because it was founded upon the eternal truth: 'Equality before the law for all citizens of the land without regard to religion, place of birth, or color of skin.' The Republican party has not done its duty toward the Scandinavians since the war. It is a well known truth that a proportionately larger number of Scandinavians went as volunteers into the war for the Union than any other people in the country; that none of them deserted or went to Canada; that generally in those towns where they constituted a majority the quota was filled without a draft; and that on the battlefield they always behaved as true soldiers. . . . No Scandinavian has been named to the better federal offices since the Republican party came into power; no Scandinavian this year is found placed on the Republican state ticket in Wisconsin, Iowa, or Minnesota, despite the fact that in these three states we yield over 50,000 Republican votes." {30} Langeland's complaints failed to move the Republican party to select a Scandinavian for any state or federal office in 1868, but Norwegians were included in two Republican county tickets, their names appearing in heavy type, distinct from the others, in Skandinaven. {31}

Gratifying as Grant's election must have been, it provoked no response editorially from Langeland. Undoubtedly he harbored resentment toward the Republicans for neglecting to place what he considered a fair proportion of Scandinavian names on their state and county tickets. But his reticence during and following the campaign of 1868 requires further explanation. At all times his loyalty was to political ideals, not to politicians. His faith rested in the American people rather than in individual men of public fame. It was quite enough for him to face the Norwegian Synod on the issues of slavery and public education, still alive in 1868, without ruminating over Scandinavian failure to secure a state or federal office for one of their number.

That the platform of the Republican party was of primary importance to Langeland is evident in his appeal to the readers of Skandinaven in the summer of 1869. They must not, he wrote, forsake the party in order to vote for Scandinavian candidates set up by the Democrats. Yet they should be ready to act jointly when occasion demanded. {32} An occasion for unity arose in 1870 when he warned of the dangers of Catholicism, a new "Irish-German Know-Nothingism," on the political horizon. He was then lamenting what he termed the control of Chicago politics by Irish and German aldermen. {33} As if to convince the Republican party and native Americans generally of Scandinavian loyalty he explained with unusual feeling on the Seventeenth of May in 1871 that, although Norwegian immigrants sympathized with and rejoiced in everything that happened to improve the fortunes of Norwegians in the land of their fathers, they embraced their "adopted country and its institutions with the warm devotion of the native-born." {34}

In 1871 Langeland suggested that the Republican party might split into two groups since, as he stated, the "Negro question" was dead and the Democrats were left without a platform. He held that a wholesome political life depended upon a two-party system, with issues of sufficient popular interest and national importance dividing the parties. {35} Late in the year he approved Grant's re-election as being the safest step for the country and not because of any distinction with which Grant had filled the office. "He is a perfect man," he declared, "who does not fail in something. . . . Not that we have found his administration so remarkable that it has any special claim to this prolongation, but more because we just about know now what we have, while with a new man we would be more uncertain." {36}

In 1872 Langeland urged his friends John A. Johnson of Wisconsin and Carl Frederik Solberg of Minnesota to run for office. "What do you say, countrymen?" he inquired. "Will other suitable persons in those states do so? Shall we not this time have the satisfaction of seeing a couple of Scandinavians in the Republican national convention, or a couple of electors in the next presidential election? We see nothing improper in this demand." {37} No Scandinavian-born delegates or electors appeared, though the past year had witnessed the election of several Norwegian and Swedish immigrants to state legislatures. {38}

Langeland relinquished the editorship of Skandinaven before the heat of the campaign of 1872. As joint editor of a new Chicago daily, Amerika, together with John A. Johnson, a well-known Norwegian formerly of Racine, he remained true to his expressed convictions and saw no real issues in the campaign. Endorsement of Horace Greeley by the Democrats as well as by the Liberal Republicans made Langeland suspicious of political inconsistency on Greeley's part. {39} The Liberal cry for amnesty drew from him the remark that "a little more reconstruction and a little less amnesty would be better for these ex-rebels who still have not learned to respect the right to vote." {40} He referred, of course, to southern white intimidation of Negroes at the polls. In the campaign of 1872, therefore, he had no recourse but to support the Republican candidates, which he did, not with indifference but with a definite lack of enthusiasm. Whatever enthusiasm he might have displayed was checked by the failure of the parties to recognize Scandinavians in their choice of candidates.

Following the Civil War Langeland's views on national expansion coincided usually with those of the expansionists. Continued westward movement was taken for granted. Upon the establishment of a state immigration bureau in Minnesota he called attention to an apparent shortsightedness on the part of Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa in this matter. Indians were scarcely mentioned in Skandinaven, despite the direful effects of white encroachment upon them. {41} Langeland recognized the danger of overexpansion but doubted whether the United States had yet reached her natural boundaries. Because of resultant commercial advantages as well as racial and linguistic similarities, no one doubted that "Canada and other provinces will some time be joined with the United States," said he. "It is unreasonable that a foreign power should possess the St. Lawrence River." {42} Maximilian's downfall in Mexico was "a sad commentary on man's desire to rule and should be a serious warning to all those who try to found monarchies in America against the wishes of the people." {43} Among Scandinavian-American editors only Langeland came out strongly in favor of annexation of Santo Domingo in 1870. Others had been disappointed over American failure to purchase the Danish West Indies in the years 1867-69. A purchase price could not be agreed upon. Most Scandinavians felt that the United States was morally obligated to purchase the islands, Seward having given Denmark the impression that his government fully intended to complete the transaction. In 1870, therefore, Scandinavian Americans showed little interest in Dominican annexation, its possibility coming as an anti-climax to the abortive negotiations with Denmark recently. Langeland, on the contrary, pointed to the economic and strategic values of Santo Domingo. He believed that the island would be as productive as Cuba within twenty years. Whereas the Dominican government had proposed a protectorate preliminary to annexation, the request of a free people to join the United States ought not long be denied, he thought. The Dominicans might turn to England and, having refused protection to them, the United States would have no valid grounds for protest. He emphasized the proximity of the island to a future isthmian canal. Considered from all angles it would be a diplomatic blunder to refuse annexation. {44}

Yet there was no enthusiasm in Langeland for annexation of Cuba, much discussed as a possibility in the American press, particularly in 1859 and 1870. As early as 1850 he had declared that Cuban independence could not be realized "until the Cubans themselves are ready to rise up." {45} The fact that American intervention would involve war with Spain weighed heavily with him. In common with abolitionists everywhere, he feared that annexation would offer rich opportunities for slavery extension where peonage already existed. The character of the Cubans was probably not a major factor in his reasoning, since he raised no objection to the character of the Dominicans. The point was that the Cubans were not a "free people."

Knud Langeland's editorial career did not terminate in 1872. He again occupied the editorial chair of Skandinaven in the years 1875-81. Svein Nilsson, who shared Langeland's views, served in the interval. However, even if one considers only Langeland's venture in Norwegian immigrant journalism prior to 1872, he achieved noteworthy success. He was instrumental in voicing the universal desire of Scandinavian immigrants for free land in the West. Thereby he contributed in a measure toward a nation-wide agitation culminating in the Homestead Act. In his debate with the clerical leaders of the Norwegian Synod on the slavery question he had the satisfaction of knowing that the law was on his side after Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. He also knew that the majority of Norwegian immigrants, though largely inarticulate, shared his anti-slavery views from the beginning. In fact, the synodical leaders themselves eventually conceded that American slavery was sinful, though they persisted in their Biblical defense of theoretical slavery.

It is difficult to estimate accurately Langeland's success in promoting public education as opposed to church-controlled education. Norwegian immigrants were accustomed to Lutheran state schools from the homeland. In the earlier years of settlement those who retained their membership in the Lutheran church were inclined to accept church authority in the education of their children. With the passage of time, however, even they preferred not to support two school systems, public and parochial, with their limited means. Dissenters from the Lutheran doctrine naturally put their trust in the American common school without much hesitation. In view of the fact that Langeland contended with the Synod and not with the Norwegian immigrant folk as a whole, it may reasonably be assumed that his editorials presenting the advantages of the common school met with almost general favor among the immigrants. Langeland's advocacy of the common school helped to hasten decisions in its favor.

In a broader sense Langeland's championship of public education represents the sincere efforts of a pioneer editor to reveal to Norwegian, Swedish, and Danish immigrants the best in American patriotism. His was not a blind loyalty either to the national government, to the Republican party, or to the Lutheran church. As a citizen he proposed to exercise constructive criticism of American institutions. His comprehensive mind sought out the basic social and political problems of the day with a view toward permanently satisfactory solutions. He transcended what might have been an unfortunate immigrant provincialism and, in the process, retained that which was durable in his cultural and religious heritage.


<1> Nordmændene i Amerika: nogle optegnelser om de norskes udvandring til Amerika (Chicago, 1888). The second half of the book, pages 119 to 226, is autobiographical.

<2> Reymert, Heg, and Søren Bache founded Nordlyset in the Muskego settlement in 1847. The first issue appeared on July 29 under Reymert's editorship. When Reymert withdrew, Heg assumed responsibility and moved the press to Rochester in 1848.

<3> Langeland, Nordmændene i Amerika, 96.

<4> Langeland in later life was uncertain on the matter but believed that he had moved to Janesville in the summer of 1852. Nordmændene i Amerika, 108.

<5> June 8, 1850, and April 12, 1851.

<6> August 10, 1850.

<7> February 15, 1851.

<8> July 13, 1850, by "P.L.M."

<9> March 9, 1850.

<10> July 20, 1850.

<11> March 8, 1851.

<12> Emigranten, October 17, 1859.

<13> Emigranten, October 2, 1859. Hans Heg was the son of Even Heg, from whom Langeland had purchased Nordlyset in 1849.

<14> Nordmændene i Amerika, 219.

<15>Cf. Skandinaven, March 24, 1869. Langeland declared that Solberg had insinuated in 1859 that Heg was unqualified for state office. Solberg's campaign comments in Emigranten in 1859, however, do not in the least disparage Heg's qualities. Heg's nomination occupies two-thirds of a column on September 5. An editorial of equal length, including a personal history of Heg, appeared on September 12. Succeeding issues mentioned the names of American newspapers supporting Heg, among them the Racine Journal and the Milwaukee Free Democrat. Nevertheless, Langeland disliked Solberg to the extent that he suggested a "little longer probationary period" for Solberg when he was being mentioned as a possible minister to Denmark or Sweden in 1869.

<16> For a complete account see the chapter entitled "The Immigrant and the Common School," in Theodore C. Blegen, Norwegian Migration to America: the American Transition, 241-276 (Northfield, 1940). Also Laurence M. Larson, "Skandinaven, Professor Anderson, and the Yankee School," in The Changing West and Other Essays, 116-146 (Northfield, 1937).

<17> Democraten, July 27, 1850.

<18> September 6, 1866.

<19> September 27, 1866.

<20> August 8, 1867.

<21> January 13, 1869.

<22> April 7 and 14, 1869. The Reverend A. C. Preus made the charge.

<23> May 26, 1869.

<24> Cf. Fædrelandet, September 5, 1867, and Nordisk folkeblad, November 4, 1868.

<25> In recognition of Langeland's support the board of education of Chicago named a new twelve-room elementary school building for him on August 14, 1884

<26> September 6, 1866.

<27> September 20, 1866.

<28> June 27, 1867.

<29> July 18, 1867.

<30> October 3, 1867.

<31> September 30, 1868. In Dane County, Wisconsin, John A. Johnson and Knute Nelson, later United States Senator from Minnesota, were running for the state assembly, while Hans Borchsenius, Heg's adjutant in the Fifteenth Wisconsin Regiment, was a candidate for clerk of the board of supervisors. Lars K. Aaker of Goodhue County, Minnesota, was endorsed as a candidate for state representative. He had already served three terms in the Minnesota legislature.

<32> August 11, 1869.

<33> August 16, 1870.

<34> May 17, 1871. This editorial, entitled "The End of the Fifth Year," marked the fifty-seventh anniversary of Norwegian independence and the fifth anniversary of Skandinaven.

<35> June 28, 1871.

<36> December 20, 1871.

<37> Skandinaven, March 6, 1872. Johnson then resided in Madison, and Solberg in Minneapolis.

<38> Cf. Nordisk folkeblad, January 25, 1871; Svenska amerikanaren, January 31 and February 14, 1871; and Hemlandet, February 6, 1872.

<39> August 13, 1872. Two short-lived newspapers of the same name were published in 1868-69 in La Crosse, Wisconsin, and Winona, Minnesota.

<40> Amerika, November 4, 1872.

<41> In the issue of March 28, 1867, Hans Mattson, immigration commissioner of the state of Minnesota, assured prospective settlers that the Indians could not stop the whites. His letter was dated February 20. Mattson rose to the rank of colonel in the Civil War and was the most prominent political figure among the Swedish Americans after the war. Beginning in 1869, he served three terms as secretary of state in Minnesota.

<42> December 6, 1866.

<43> July 11, 1867.

<44> April 20, 1870.

<45> Democraten, July 6, 1850.

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